At recent Reform UK media events, a pair of notable heads can often be seen in the front row: the near-white locks of party policy chief Danny Kruger and the swept-back blond mane of James Orr.
As well as guiding the policy programme for what might become the UK’s future administration, the duo share another trait in common. Both are deeply committed believer who came to religion in adulthood, and possess trenchant views on social issues such as abortion and the family.
The MP Kruger, who defected from the Conservatives, and Orr, a Cambridge academic, are members of the steering committee of a conservative policy group known as the Alliance for Responsible Citizenship.
A further participant is the financier Paul Marshall, the investment tycoon who controls GB News and the conservative Spectator magazine. He is also a devout Christian.
“Faith, particularly Protestant evangelism, has in recent decades been a key characteristic of American conservative politics,” with its adherents providing the core of a particular political support.
There are some links. Orr is sufficiently close to the US Vice-President that he has hosted him at his private residence. Orr is also active in the National Conservatism movement, which has ties to the US religious-populism world.
However, direct parallels quickly break down due to a basic issue of numbers. While polling shows that nearly a fourth of US adults are evangelicals, the figure for the UK is roughly one-tenth of that at most.
There is another important factor to take into account. While US evangelicals lean firmly to the political right, recent surveys by the UK’s Evangelical Alliance indicate the broader situation here is markedly distinct.
Research of nearly 1,500 evangelicals shows the Labour Party in the lead with over a quarter backing. Reform and the Liberal Democrats are level on 20%, with the Conservatives on 18%.
Further polling demonstrate backing from evangelicals for more generous welfare payments, but also concerted alarm about plans to permit assisted dying.
“Among evangelicals there can be a dissonance between personal views, particularly regarding social issues, and how people cast their ballot,” explained a representative. “For example, someone might have a strong opinion on abortion, but they don’t see voting as likely to lead to change.”
Evangelism is present in parliament, including cross-party prayer group meetings. But it is a phenomenon present on the political left, with figures like Kruger countered by Tim Farron and the Labour MP Rachael Maskell.
She has been explicit about how her beliefs informs her politics, especially concerning issues such as poverty.
“Ethical fairness was ‘a big part’ of the party's ethos,” Maskell argued. “It stems from our roots, how we think about inequality in society, making sure we have a just system.”
There is, however a different and newer side to religion in UK politics, one more closely modelled on US concepts of religious nationalism.
Tommy Robinson has started to portray himself as openly a Christian, though a lot of this is done as a counterpoint to Islam.
In a similar vein, Nick Tenconi, who leads the UK outpost of Turning Point, posts social media messaging about the country needing to “return to Christ” combined with anti-Muslim content.
One striking manifestation of this, a Turning Point-allied Christian nationalist group called King’s Army paraded through Soho, a location seemingly chosen as it is the heart of London’s LGBT community.
These elements remain, however, relatively marginal in UK politics. While critics sometimes depict certain figures as financial backers of US-style evangelism, friends insist they are simply observant believers who are strongly opposed to any political exploitation of faith.
Kruger is not shy of occasional off-piste language, for example in an address to censure what he said was a younger generation indoctrinated by a mix of ideologies.
“Here in Britain you do have some Christian nationalists, but when it comes to politics it more often be a sort of longing for a Christian past, linked to our historic identity,” noted an analyst.
A parliamentarian of faith on the right observed that while the issue of assisted dying had united MPs with faith, any connections beyond that felt restricted.
“I do not get the sense of much of an organized faith-based lobby,” they said. “For me, my faith is more a basis for what I already believe. And here, religion is not really a vote winner.”
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